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Drawing from existing developmental research, he ill ustrates the wide range of family reactions and discusses the factors that determine how parents come to terms with the disclosure over time. He reveals that the coming out experience is greatly influenced by g ender, and chapters highlight common mother-daughter, mother-son, fath er-daughter, and father-son dynamics. See All Customer Reviews. Shop Textbooks. Add to Wishlist. USD ABCT provides a referral service: www.

For example, both same-sex parents may not have legal rights to their children. Legal restrictions often make it difficult or impossible to change gender on identification documents e. Most LGBT clients do not seek psychological services for issues related to their sexual orientation. Not heterosexual: An educational program about gay, lesbian, and bisexual people.

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Lev, A. Transgender emergence: Therapeutic guidelines for working with gender-variant people and their families. Shipherd, J. Gender as a continuum: Implications for trauma researchers and clinicians. Traumatic Stress Points, 18 , Treatment Bernstein, G. Behavior therapy with lesbian and gay individuals. Hersen, R. Miller Eds. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Hart, T.

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Presenting problems among treatment seeking gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 57, Israel, G. Transgender care: Recommended guidelines, practical information and personal accounts. Kaysen, D. Cognitive processing therapy for acute stress disorder resulting from an anti-gay assault. Cognitive and Behavioral Practice, 12 , Martell, C. Cognitive-behavioral therapies with lesbian, gay, and bisexual clients. New York: Guilford Press. Purcell, D. Therapy with lesbian and gay men: A cognitive-behavioral perspective. Cognitive and Behavioral Practice, 2, Safren, S.

Cognitive-behavioral therapy with lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons.

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Young people have always been the screens onto which society projects its greatest fears Waller, ; Seiter, ; Levine, ; Jenkins, More recently, with the advent of everything from MySpace to Gameboys, new technologies are presented in popular culture as sources of distraction, violence, or allure that threaten the sanctity and safety of children.

Janice Levine argues that rather than accept the statistical reality that children are more vulnerable to sexual harm at the hands of immediate family members, society projects its fears onto strangers, seeing media as one of several tools used to lure unsuspecting children. These preventative measures presume and perpetuate the notion that media have direct and very negative effects upon children. Prevention logic suggests one can curtail certain behaviors by regulating access to these media or the content of media itself.

Of course, the reality is far more complicated. Media studies tend to approach the question of representations of social influence of media as a matter of impact.

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We think the medium itself carries certain properties and, therefore, inherent powers. New media promise to bring about change—slipping it in around mass culture. We attach cultural weight to it as we look to blogs to address our mistrust of mainstream journalism or turn to distance learning to address the increasing costs of higher education. But new media are part of mass culture—the stories they circulate remediate the stories already out there.

For example, we might be tempted to imagine that new media technologies allow rural gay kids to escape their rural communities and find refuge, and recognition, online. But much of the work on reception studies focuses tightly on the conditions for viewing, centered on the moment of reception itself. How can we break out of this narrow focus to see the more complicated relationships between media and their meaning rather than effects in our everyday lives?

Seiter and Livingstone respond to and challenge work that assumes media are deleterious to kids based on presumptions about the particular effects of the medium. They treat young people, much as work in new childhood studies and critical youth studies do, as active agents but also a culturally constructed demographic. Another way for researchers to engage more complicated relationships between media and their meaning making is through ethnographic approaches that contextualize media engagements as part of a broader social terrain of experience.

Performances of identities require tools. What tools are out there for rural youth to pick up if they seek to express a sense of self that doesn't square up with the heteronormative expectations around them? What allows for an iteration of a sexual or gender identity that is constructed in popular culture as antithetical to their rural communities? What kind of visibility can be performed here and through what means? What are the limits of these iterations?

What do we need to politically tweak to make queer sexualities and genders more habitable to rural youth? It might be specific enunciations of identity, or it might be creating a politics that does not see visibility as the primary goal, therefore, allowing an affinity and political kinship to take center stage. A rich examination of new media takes stock of how central it is, how it comes to be seen as meaningful, and when it seems less relevant. The questions then become: What role do media engagements play in people's lives?

When do they turn to media and when is it expendable background noise? When do media make a difference and what are the conditions that make these differences register as important or negligible?

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If we are to understand the relationship between media and young people's sense of their sexualities and genders we need an approach that moves away from isolating media as conduits or contagions. Framing new media as a conduit or contagion limits our ability to understand complicated individual and collective engagements with media. Instead of examining audiences' reactions to specific programs or websites, I attempt to map the relationship between rural young people's experiences of a cluster of media engagements and a milieu that is constitutive of its meaning.

An in situ approach to media takes as the object of study the processes and understandings of new media among people within the context of their use.

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This approach requires tracing the circulations and layers of socioeconomic status, race relations, and location in the lives of the people I met that make their media engagements meaningful to them. A media in situ approach focuses on how media engagements fit into a larger mosaic of collective identity work. This approach does not assume a singular message or effect is or can be conveyed or transmitted. Researchers typically assume rural youth lack the resources, capacity, and support to actively foster difference in the seeming homogeneity of their small towns Faulkner and Lindsey, ; Flint, ; Snively, Rather than presume an absence of critical materials for identity formation, I draw on a sociological tradition that theorizes identity as a deeply social, contextual, and collective achievement rather than a psychological expression of an internal process of integration.

Far from being the reflection of an inner drive, I argue that youth identities are cultural assemblages that work with the materials on hand. New Childhood Studies take adult researchers perhaps many of today's parents to task for uncritically applying a developmental paradigm that frames young people's identity practices as playful experimentation rather than seeing these practices as ways of being in the world Qvortrup, Children and adolescents' articulations of identity are interpreted strictly as rites of passage, paths youth travel on their way to adulthood. Under this rubric, young people's experiences of identity are simultaneously understood as the blossoming of an individual's unique character and, paradoxically, the timely appearance of universal characteristics particular to a phase of the human life course. New Childhood Studies challenges researchers to work against ahistorical, apolitical accounts and universalizing developmental models of children and adolescents. This approach attempts to foreground how power dynamics, including the researcher's relationship to youth participants, produce the cultural knowledge that shapes our understandings of young people. Working from this premise, critical youth scholars seek to acknowledge adults, children, and adolescents as cultural participants working in and through a dense network of power relations.

This is particularly the case when it comes to the culturally charged discussion of youth sexuality. Studying rural queer and questioning youth identity formations builds on New Childhood Studies and critical youth studies in two important ways.

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Rural queer and questioning youth have neither the peers nor the local tax base to imagine such independent political power. I work against privileging youth experience in ways that could inadvertently essentialize queerness as a stable state of being that some youth possess. I define queer identity work as the collective labor of crafting, articulating, and pushing the boundaries of identities.

I frame youth sexualities and genders as labor carried out among and through people, places, media texts, and a host of other circuitous routes. Treating identity as work highlights the dynamic strategies youth and their allies must employ as they contend with the politics of visibility across these various work sites. It also acknowledges how political economies of gay and lesbian life intersect with consumption practices to produce genres of realness available for queer identity work.

These materials are often commercial products themselves hardly original or removed from the processes of commoditization. However, as queer scholars such as Jose Estaban Munoz and Alex Doty have argued, audiences often rework hegemonic media representations through polysemic practices of queering and disidentification Munoz, ; Doty, As a result, they bear the weight of a politics of visibility that, I argue, was built for city living.